{"id":9537,"date":"2026-08-14T15:40:18","date_gmt":"2026-08-14T18:40:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mje-global.com\/?p=9537"},"modified":"2026-08-18T12:50:59","modified_gmt":"2026-08-18T15:50:59","slug":"argentina-riesgo-transbordo-chino-estados-unidos","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mje-global.com\/en\/argentina-riesgo-transbordo-chino-estados-unidos\/","title":{"rendered":"Washington ranked 40 countries for risk of "Chinese transshipment." This is how Argentina was positioned."},"content":{"rendered":"

By Mar\u00eda Jos\u00e9 Etulain \u2014 MJE Global<\/em><\/p>\n

On August 13, 2026, Peter Navarro, Trump's advisor and White House trade and manufacturing policy chief, published an opinion piece in the New York Times that begins with a very specific image: a recliner "made in Vietnam" that actually contains a Chinese motor, finished and packaged in China, which is simply bolted on at a Vietnamese plant before being shipped to Norfolk, Virginia. If the documentation holds up, that "Made in Vietnam" label eliminates 25 percentage points of tariffs the product would otherwise pay. Rules of origin, traceability of inputs, and interpretive trickery.<\/p>\n

That day, the White House released the full report, "The Great Transshipment Scam," from the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy. The 25-page document identifies more than 40 countries as part of a "transshipment network" that allows Chinese exporters to circumvent U.S. tariffs through minimal processing, relabeling, and document alterations. Argentina is on that list.<\/p>\n

For any company operating in the Argentina-United States corridor, this document is not just a footnote. It's a fairly clear snapshot of how Washington thinks today, and why it should be taken seriously, regardless of the good relationship between their presidents.<\/p>\n

What does the report say, in plain English?<\/h2>\n

The document's logic is simple and repeated on almost every page: every import that replaces a US-made product takes jobs away from American industry. And beyond the uncollected tariffs, they argue, the erosion of that industrial capacity leaves the country vulnerable in disruptive scenarios (a pandemic, a war, a supply chain disruption) where having the money to buy isn't enough; you need someone to manufacture.<\/p>\n

Based on this, the report classifies the more than 40 countries mentioned into three levels, not by political proximity but by scale of trade linked to China and by the type of "advantage" they offer for rerouting: volume (Canada, the EU, Mexico, South Korea, Taiwan), deep productive integration with Chinese chains (Brazil, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, Turkey, Indonesia), or smaller countries with specific vulnerabilities such as cheap labor, free zones, bonded warehouses, low customs control (this is the case of Argentina, grouped together with Chile, Peru, Colombia, Costa Rica and twenty other countries of this third level).<\/p>\n

Table 1. The three levels of the transshipment network (according to the report)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Tier<\/th>\nLabel<\/th>\nCriterion<\/th>\nCountries<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
Tier 1<\/td>\nDiversified scale leaders<\/td>\nLarge absolute volumes of goods linked to China; diversified industrial bases and relevant export platforms to the US, where the transshipment risk is embedded in broad legitimate trade flows.<\/td>\nCanada, European Union, India, Israel, Japan, Mexico, South Korea, Taiwan<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Tier 2<\/td>\nLeaders of scale with significant economic integration with China<\/td>\nSignificant transshipment volumes combined with deeper integration into supply chains linked to China: inputs, manufacturing platforms, logistics systems, or regional rerouting channels.<\/td>\nBrazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, T\u00fcrkiye, Vietnam<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Tier 3<\/td>\nSmall and opportunistic Chinese targets<\/td>\nSmaller economies with lower absolute transshipment volumes, but with specific advantages\u2014cheap labor, free trade zones, port or border access, bonded warehouses, niche assembly capacity, preferential access to the US, or low customs enforcement capacity\u2014that make them attractive targets for opportunistic rerouting linked to China.<\/td>\nArgentina, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Georgia, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Laos, Morocco, Myanmar, Oman, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Switzerland, United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

It's interesting to note that the classification doesn't distinguish based on ideological affinity with Washington. Argentina, currently one of the governments most rhetorically aligned with the Trump administration in all of Latin America, appears in the same risk category (Tier 3) as any other country offering a free trade zone or a permissive customs policy. The report measures the flow of goods linked to China, not bilateral relations. Therein lies a first lesson: friendship between presidents doesn't exempt a country from tariff scrutiny or the negative categorization of its institutions based on their concrete results.<\/p>\n

This report does not appear in a vacuum: it is based on the same framework of Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 under which, since July 24, 2026, Argentina has already been paying an additional tariff of 10% on its exports to the United States\u2014the minimum within the new scheme, thanks to the Reciprocal Trade and Investment Agreement signed in February. For full details of this measure and what Argentine exporters should review, see: The United States applies a new 10% tariff to Argentine exports<\/a>.<\/p>\n

But the document has a second, more detailed table that should be examined before drawing hasty conclusions. There, the report doesn't group countries by scale but rather by the functional role they play within the network used to conceal Chinese products.<\/p>\n

Argentina, along with Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Peru, is part of the "Latin American Corridors" cluster, whose function is described as Pacific-Atlantic rerouting, use of bonded warehouses, and regional assembly. This is a significant distinction: unlike other clusters in the same report, what the document attributes to Argentina is essentially geographical and logistical: its geographic location and its foreign trade infrastructure. This difference is important when understanding what kind of scrutiny to expect: less focus on internal controls, and more on the traceability of inputs used to assign Argentine origin to goods exported to the United States.<\/p>\n

Table 2. Functional architecture of the transshipment network (according to the report)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Functional cluster<\/th>\ncentral role<\/th>\nIllustrative countries<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
Micro-hubs of Southeast Asia<\/td>\nLight assembly, export processing zones, relabeling and re-export of goods linked to China<\/td>\nBangladesh, Cambodia, Laos, Philippines, Sri Lanka<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Central and Eastern European Processing Belt<\/td>\nEU-based termination, contract manufacturing, bonded warehouses, and regional relabeling<\/td>\nCzech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Maritime Gateways<\/td>\nRe-export from free trade zone, deep-water port handover, container consolidation and re-invoicing<\/td>\nCosta Rica, Dominican Republic, Malaysia, Oman, Panama, UAE<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Belt and Road land nodes<\/td>\nRail and dry port transit, land-to-sea consolidation and transfer<\/td>\nAzerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Latin American corridors<\/td>\nPacific-Atlantic rerouting, bonded warehouses and regional assembly<\/td>\nArgentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
African peripheral hubs<\/td>\nEmerging port and free zone facilities for select flows linked to China<\/td>\nKenya, Morocco<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Developed logistics platforms<\/td>\nAdvanced customs, ports, trading houses, bonded warehouses and global re-export systems<\/td>\nBelgium, Canada, Netherlands, Singapore, Switzerland, T\u00fcrkiye<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Brazil's case is a good reflection of this same idea, but with its own nuances. Brazil appears in the report as a Tier 2 supplier due to its productive integration with China, at a different risk level than Argentina. At the same time, Brazil has become the country where US tariff policy is most openly intertwined with domestic politics: the 501 TPS tariffs imposed in 2025 were explicitly presented by the White House as a response to the impeachment proceedings against Jair Bolsonaro for the 2022 coup attempt; the additional 251 TPS tariffs in July 2026 stemmed from a broader USTR investigation into unfair trade practices (the PIX payment system, Brazilian tariffs on ethanol, deforestation), which nevertheless includes among its justifications the judicial censorship attributed to the judge who convicted Bolsonaro.<\/p>\n

Brazil will elect a president on October 4, 2026, with Lula seeking reelection against Fl\u00e1vio Bolsonaro, son of the former president (barred from holding office until 2030 and imprisoned since 2025), the Liberal Party candidate with Trump's explicit backing. It would be reasonable to expect that a potential victory for Bolsonaro would resolve the tariff dispute. But the most interesting fact, at the time of writing, is that the candidate himself asked Washington to pause the new tariffs before the election, because polls show they are costing him votes: what should be ideological support is being interpreted, on the Brazilian street, as foreign interference that ultimately benefits Lula. Even for the US government, the equation "political affinity = favorable trade treatment" is not as straightforward or predictable as it first appears.<\/p>\n

This is not a new policy, although it is being intensified today.<\/h2>\n

An important distinction is worth noting, because it's often lost in the discussion: Section 301 tariffs against China are not an invention of Trump's second term. They were imposed in 2018, during his first term, and the Biden administration, far from dismantling them, left them almost intact. Moreover, in 2024, it selectively expanded them to include electric vehicles, semiconductors, batteries, and Chinese steel. In other words, with regard specifically to China, there is a six-year continuity between administrations of opposing political persuasions.<\/p>\n

What is new in 2025-2026 is the escalation toward differentiated and reciprocal tariffs applied to the rest of the world. Added to this is the specific pursuit of a "transshipment network" that would use third countries (including Argentina) to help China circumvent tariffs. This shift is indeed characteristic of the second Trump administration.<\/p>\n

What does this mean for those planning for the medium term? It means that this policy shouldn't be viewed as a one-term whim. Protectionism toward China has persisted through two consecutive administrations, of different political persuasions, without being dismantled. It wouldn't be surprising (although this is an interpretation, not a certainty) if the next government, regardless of its political leanings, maintains much of the current framework. If that's the case, the relevant question for a company isn't "Will this change with the next election?" but rather "How do I design my operations to function effectively under this paradigm, however long it lasts?"\u00ab<\/p>\n

The contrast that cannot be ignored<\/h2>\n

This is where the tension that motivates this article comes in. While Washington declares its manufacturing industry strategic and builds an artificial intelligence architecture\u2014the so-called "Detective Border"\u2014to track the true origin of each shipment, Argentina has been moving in the opposite direction: lowering tariffs and tariff protection for its industry in general, while promoting mining investments with exceptional tax breaks and, in several cases, without the obligation to repatriate export earnings, a benefit not available to the rest of Argentina's productive sector.<\/p>\n

This isn't about judging whether one policy or the other is right. Trump protects his entire manufacturing industry, declaring it strategic and adopting decisions consistent with his assessment. Argentina, on the other hand, is betting on attracting capital for the development of specific sectors that will eventually yield results in the medium and long term, relying on exceptional tax and exchange rate rules, while simultaneously dismantling tariff and non-tariff barriers protecting its overall manufacturing industry. These are legitimate decisions by two sovereign nations. The point is that they are moving in opposite directions, and a company operating between the two cannot plan as if both economies were moving in sync. They are moving in tension, and strategy and action must be adapted to this reality.<\/p>\n

What this means in practice<\/h2>\n

None of these generalities apply across the board to the entire tariff system. Exporting steel to the United States is not the same as exporting soybeans, meat, or lithium. Each sector has its own specific characteristics: specific tariffs, exposure to AD\/CVD (antidumping and countervailing duties, which in some Chinese products exceed 3,001 TP3T cumulatively), applicable rules of origin, and now, additionally, the reputational risk of being flagged on a map like this if the value chain includes Chinese inputs or components at any stage.<\/p>\n

Against this backdrop of a profound shift in the multilateral paradigm, every company that exports to or imports from Argentina to the United States needs to review two things: its actual integration into the global supply chain\u2014where its inputs come from, what percentage of added value is genuinely local, and how defensible its tariff classification and declared origin are\u2014and its forward deployment strategy, knowing that the bar for control from the U.S. side will be raised, not lowered. This review process is precisely what we at MJE Global work on with our clients.<\/p>\n

MJE Global<\/strong> Advises companies on foreign trade and market entry strategies between Argentina and the United States, focusing on customs compliance, tariff classification, and export logistics.<\/p>\n

Does your company export to the United States?<\/h2>\n

Understanding how your supply chain risk is classified and what evidence of origin and traceability you can provide in the event of customs inspections are now central to a sound export strategy. MJE Global assists Argentine companies with the regulatory and strategic analysis of their international operations.<\/p>\n

CONSULT MJE GLOBAL<\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A White House report places Argentina among 40 countries flagged for risk of Chinese transshipment. What does the report say, and what does it mean for the Argentina-United States trade corridor?.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":9534,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[49],"tags":[54,56,53,57,52,55],"class_list":["post-9537","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-comercio-exterior-y-regulacion","tag-aranceles","tag-argentina","tag-comercio-exterior","tag-estados-unidos","tag-peter-navarro","tag-transbordo"],"yoast_head":"\nArgentina en riesgo por transbordo chino | MJE Global<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Washington incluy\u00f3 a Argentina entre m\u00e1s de 40 pa\u00edses se\u00f1alados por riesgo de \u201ctransbordo chino\u201d. 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